Why is the Russian justice system reacting so strongly to the three women?
The action taken against Pussy Riot needs to be viewed against the background of the current power structure in Russia. It has mainly two functions: On the one hand, it should serve to deter opposition figures that criticize the president and the Putin system; hence the women’s long pre-trial detention, their poor treatment in prison, and the threat of a seven-year sentence.
On the other hand, the regime is seeking to unify the patriotic parts of society behind it. With it, the Kremlin is fueling latent intolerance against dissidents in Russian society and has denounced the three women as “un-Russian.”
The hard course of action against critical groups is primarily an attempt by the president to retain power. Putin was under pressure in the run-up to the presidential election due to mass demonstrations that made clear that criticism of him is growing in Russia. The Pussy Riot case is part of the regime’s countermeasures.
Does Pussy Riot represent the general mood among the Russian population?
No, it represents a small minority in big cities that levels criticism at the system in an artistic way. Supporters of this group come from intellectual and liberal circles among the population, as well as some members of the new middle class. But the vast majority of the population rejects such activities and has nothing to do with it.
But surveys from the recognized polling firm Levada show that although a majority of Russians disapprove of the women’s performance (47 percent think that it harmed public morality), 43 percent think that a harsh penalty is inappropriate.
The survey illustrates the divisions in a society in which about half of all citizens disapprove of the course of action taken by the state against critics. That is also probably why Putin called for a mild punishment for the three women in a recent interview. He had to notice that the severity of the authorities can lead to critical attitudes about the government and justice system.
Has the Pussy Riot case strengthened the Russian protest movement?
That will depend on the end verdict. Pussy Riot is above all an expression of the growing pluralism of the political and artistic opposition in Russia. The fact that this group has received so much attention is due to the aggressive course of action taken by the justice and political systems that turned them into martyrs. The three women stand for a new generation of young Russians who are not afraid of the system, who are politically engaged, and who defy the regime through bold performances.
The authorities have reacted in the classic Soviet way: with arrests, defamation, and the threat of massive penalties. The fact that they are now taking action against artistic activities shows the state’s helplessness in dealing with new social forms of expression.
Moreover, this overreaction has fostered alienation between a part of the population and the Putin system. If the authorities continue to take such strong action against protest groups, it could lead to a growing polarization in the population, as the demonstrations both for and against Pussy Riot have already shown.
How dependent is the Russian justice system on calls from the Kremlin?
There are an abundance of examples that make clear that the Russian justice system is still strongly dependent on Russian politics. The most glaring case remains that of Michail Chodorkowski, who has twice been convicted for the same crime. He is seen as politically dangerous by the regime and must therefore remain in prison.
When it comes to questions of power, there is no due process in Russia. This is frequently on display during elections, where courts are used to disable political opponents. High judicial offices are assigned by the political leadership. Consequently, the Russian judicial system is in no way an independent institution, but rather directly dependent to the executive branch.
What role does the Orthodox Church play in the Russian power structure? After all, the Russian Orthodox Patriarch called for the election of Putin…
The Russian Orthodox Church has always been a state church, and its leadership has always been especially loyal to its rulers. There has never been a clerical opposition in Russia as there was in East Germany. After the Soviet Union ended, the church was rediscovered as an instrument of power. Presidents Yeltsin, Putin, and Medvedev have constantly appeared with church dignitaries. The Russian state gave the church much of its expropriated goods back and financially supported the building of new churches. Accordingly, the Orthodox Patriarch has reciprocated through declarations of loyalty and calls to vote for Putin.
At the same time, the Orthodox Church is a bastion of conservatism that aggressively turns on dissidents, other religions, and homosexuality; they reject performances such as the Pussy Riot concert as blasphemous. In the case of the punk rockers, the church has allowed itself to be exploited by the state in an effort to control a critical group.