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Germany’s G7 Presidency
Germany’s G7 PresidencyPreserving the significance of the G7 means getting results based on shared values
by Claudia Schmucker, Kseniya Dziatlouskaya
DGAPkompakt 6, May 27, 2015, 4 pp. (in German)
The G7 is often criticized for taking up topics that should be handled by the G20 and other international organizations. When it convenes at Schloss Elmau June 7–8, it should refocus attention on its role as an informal forum based on common values. The initiative to promote decent work through sustainable supply chains, organized during Germany’s presidency, offers an excellent opportunity to do this. Germany hopes members will adopt its charta for promoting sustainable business. (In German)
Under New Auspices
Under New AuspicesNew models of cooperation for Franco-German energy relations
by Franca Diechtl, Severin Fischer
DGAPanalyse 5, May 20, 2015, 13 pp. (in German)
France and Germany have both been pursuing the goal of energy transformation for some time, albeit in different ways. As the Energiewende, or transition énérgetique, gathers steam, there are plenty of good reasons to foster even closer cooperation on matters of energy policy, and in doing so, help bridge some of the gaps in the sputtering Franco-German relationship. (DGAP analysis in German.)
Russia Should Rethink Victory Day
Russia Should Rethink Victory DayThe country should reconsider how it marks the seventieth anniversary of the victory over Germany
by Vladislav Inozemtsev
The Moscow Times, April 22, 2015
World War II was a huge and unforgettable tragedy for the Soviet people. Yet the Germany of World War II no longer exists in its former configuration, and the tactical and strategic lessons of that war lost relevance long ago. The most appropriate way to characterize that conflict is as an enormous human tragedy. Victory Day would best be celebrated not by glorifying the state but by mourning the victims of War. Reprinted with kind permission from the Moscow Times.
Dichotomies in Franco-Russian Relations (Dualitäten der französischen Russlandpolitik)
Dichotomies in Franco-Russian Relations (Dualitäten der französischen Russlandpolitik)The Ukraine crisis is putting a flourishing business relationship to the test
by Laure Delcour
DGAPanalyse 4, March 30, 2015, 11 pp. (In German)
For France, the worsening state of Russia’s relations with the EU corresponds with bilateral relations that have deteriorated since 2011, when a rift began to open on the subject of Syria. The Ukrainian crisis brought an abrupt end to once-flourishing business relations. Decisions in Paris now depend on two parameters: how the crisis in Ukraine develops further and how this will effect EU-level decisions. The analysis is available in German and French.
A Semi-professional Military
A Semi-professional MilitaryProblems Facing Russian Armed Forces in the Effort to Transition to a Contract Army
by Andrey Kalikh
DGAPkompakt 5, April 2, 2015, 6 pp.
Russia’s military still has many Soviet-era features: mass character, low mobility, and staggering cost. But it is also modernizing. Efforts to replace compulsory military service with a professional army have had only halting success at best, but some results are clear. In 2008, it took two weeks for Russian forces to reach South Ossetia. Things were quite different on the border with Ukraine in 2014; professional soldiers were deployed to Russia’s southern Rostov region in a matter of days.
Theses for a New German Policy toward Russia
Theses for a New German Policy toward RussiaNine Recommendations
by Stefan Meister
DGAPkompakt 3, April 2, 2015, 5 pp.
Russia has seen the dramatic securitization of its politics, economy, and society since 2012. For Russian leaders, struggle with the West has served as a means of underpinning their power and their system. As the domestic economic situation worsens and nationalistic forces gather strength, the danger of further destabilization grows more acute. For German and European policy to exert effective influence in the medium and long term, it must apply a complex combination of containment and cooperation.
How Russia Lost Germany (and How it Can Win It Back)
How Russia Lost Germany (and How it Can Win It Back)EU foreign policy and the Ukraine crisis
by Stefan Meister
Russia and Global Affairs (January/March, 2015).
The growing politicization and securitization of all areas of German-Russian relations marks the end of Germany’s post-Cold-War Eastern policy. Returning to business as usual is now utterly impossible on both sides. But there is a positive side to this reality check: an end to German naïveté about Russia. Stefan Meister's article in the current issue of Russia and Global Affairs, published by the Foreign Policy Research Foundation.
TTIP: Winning Back Trust
TTIP: Winning Back TrustThe EU Commission should take concrete steps to address the public’s concerns
by Claudia Schmucker
DGAPstandpunkt 3, March 2, 2015, 3 pp.
The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership, if signed, would create the world’s largest economic zone. But its supporters face a credibility problem: ever more Europeans, especially Germans, see in TTIP a threat to their way of life, and to democracy – a “secret treaty” that protects corporate interests while undermining high European standards for the environment, health and consumer protection. Here are five issues the EU Commission and German government must address to win back public trust.
Welcome, Escalation!
Welcome, Escalation!Why Minsk 2 is not going to work
by Stefan Meister
DGAPstandpunkt 2, February 23, 2015, 2 pp.
The February 12, 2015 cease-fire in eastern Ukraine was a triumph for President Putin, who was able to push through a slew of major points without making any concessions of his own. Stefan Meister argues that Ukrainian leadership should give up control of Donetsk and Luhansk in order to protect the rest of the country from further destabilization from Russia. The EU urgently needs to make a clear decision on whether to integrate what is left of Ukraine – with all the consequences this entails.
Right Goals, Wrong Tools?
Right Goals, Wrong Tools?Civil Society Empowerment in the EU Accession Process
by Natasha Wunsch
DGAPanalyse 2, February 18, 2015, 11 pp.
The European Commission has long stated its aim of empowering civil society in EU candidate countries. In its accession process, Croatia enjoyed strong initial support for its civil society organizations (CSOs). EU interest grew less robust, however, once the accession date was set, and CSOs lost a crucial ally in their reform efforts. The experience shows the limitations of the Commission’s current policy. Seven recommendations for strengthening CSOs as active partners in the accession process.

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