DGAP: Pieter Feith, your International Civilian Office (ICO) was able to wrap up its work on schedule after four and a half years, but the establishment of the state of Kosovo is still not complete. What remains to be done?
Pieter Feith: My team and I are very pleased that we were able to complete our mandate according to the schedule that had been set – which also meant a satisfactory conclusion. It’s always easier to start a mission than to end it in an orderly way.
Our task was to implement the Ahtisaari Plan – that is, to supervise Kosovo’s path to independence. Kosovo is now a sovereign state and has taken its destiny into its own hands.
Among the issues that need further work is the matter of protecting the property of the Serbian Orthodox Church. But the most difficult problem still to be resolved is the political tug-of-war taking place over the autonomy of the Serbian minority in the northern part of the country.
Happily, the European Union, as successor organization to the ICO, will be addressing these questions. A direct dialogue between Serbia and Kosovo has been taking place for the past year or so with guidance from Brussels. I believe these negotiations are moving ahead in a constructive and very promising way. It looks like progress is possible.
DGAP: What topics are being discussed?
Pieter Feith: The present dialogue between Serbia and Kosovo does not center on the question of status; the Serbian side is not ready to recognize Kosovo as an independent state yet – although Belgrade will have to move on this at some point, since it is one of the prerequisites for establishing further ties with the EU. Brussels is not interested in having more members who are enmeshed in territorial disputes. Nobody wants another Cyprus.
The question of recognition is not the most urgent one at the moment. Right now, the most important thing is for Kosovo and Serbia to normalize their relations and become good neighbors. There needs to be a minimum degree of regional cooperation for this. So now the discussion is more about technical questions such as what regulations would make cross-border travel easier for both sides.
DGAP: And when do you expect results?
Pieter Feith: Time is starting to run out. The EU Commission plans to deliver a progress report on the state of reforms in the Balkans this April. If the report is favorable toward Serbia, there will be a reward for Belgrade: the opening of EU accession negotiations, to which the EU national parliaments must of course agree. The plan is supposed to be ready in time for this June’s European Council of the Heads of State and Government.
DGAP: You were simultaneously the EU’s special representative to Kosovo. Brussels is keeping an eye on a range of activities in the Balkans. Is there a coherent policy at work here?
Pieter Feith: We must absolutely bring organized crime under control. Too little progress on this has been made in the last few years. Corruption and illegal migration are already threatening to penetrate our communities in the EU.
There is thus a need to strengthen the rule of law in all the countries of the Western Balkans. The rule-of-law mission EULEX, one of the EU’s best-equipped instruments, is supposed to serve this purpose. However, it needs to be applied with greater firmness in the future. A German national has recently become its head. Now we want to see results.
The investment climate in Kosovo needs to be further improved to stimulate the economy. The decisive instrument here is the principle of conditionality; the EU is in the position like no other organization to set conditions and enforce them as well. The prospect of EU membership exists only if partner countries successfully modernize themselves.
The necessary tools are therefore already in place. Now we must apply them intelligently.
DGAP: What did the ICO Mission teach you?
Pieter Feith: I would like to draw four conclusions. To begin with, a mission should always be planned with the desired outcome in mind. We succeeded in doing this. If you know what the goal is, then you can measure progress by using benchmarks and react as necessary.
Another factor that was very important for the ICO’s work was the cooperation between Americans and Europeans. The United States is a decisive actor in the Balkans and carries a lot of weight there for historical reasons.
My third point is this: I was never obliged to use my executive power, although this was certainly included in my mandate. I could have annulled laws or fired officials. But this was not necessary, with the exception of a few appointments.
But I also refrained from this because the important thing for us was to support Kosovo. The UN Security Council never passed a resolution backing our mission. Moreover, not even all of the EU countries recognized Kosovo. And on top of this, there was Serbia’s resistance. So we both needed to monitor the process of becoming a state – but also indeed to support it.
That I did not have to make use of my executive power was very helpful to the stabilization process. It promoted acceptance among local actors of the measures intended by the Ahtisaari Plan. And it increased their sense of responsibility, which they saw as part of the undertaking.
The process was completely different in Bosnia, where too many of the decisions were made by the international administration. That was a mistake. As a result, politicians took no responsibility for the new state. One should always make the local powers into participants in development.
In the end, we had to cope with many obstructions and setbacks, including a lack of support from the UN and headwinds from some EU countries as well as Serbia. All the same, we managed to achieve most of the Ahtisaari Plan’s points.
DGAP: Each country in the Western Balkans will be given the prospect of joining the EU. Slovenia is already a member. Croatia will join in July. Others have long since entered into association agreements with Brussels. But in 2013, how much enthusiasm is there for the EU in the region?
Pieter Feith: With Kosovo one can say that support for the EU is greatest in the younger generation and among younger political actors. The least support is to be found among the current managers and established politicians.
Many of them feel that they only stand to lose from EU integration. Indeed, quite a few do depend on corrupt networks. And there is no room for that in the EU! So we cannot expect any enthusiasm from these people – whereas there is much higher approval for establishing closer ties to the EU among younger people and the general population.
In Bosnia, on the other hand, the population’s pro-European attitude is dubious. The fundamentally trust that things are going to improve is lacking among the people. Meanwhile in Serbia, enormous economic difficulties are muting enthusiasm for the EU.
Looking at the Balkans as a whole, however, the idea of EU integration is still gaining enough traction.
DGAP: Thank you very much for speaking with us, Pieter Feith!
The interview was conducted by Lucas Lypp, online editor.
Peter Feith, EU diplomat and international crisis management expert, led the International Civilian Office (ICO) in Kosovo between April 2008 and September 2012. He accepted the DGAP’s invitation to attend an expert discussion on February 26, moderated by Deputy President Paul Freiherr von Maltzahn, as well as to participate in a “Brussels Briefing” held at the DGAP’s Alfred von Oppenheim-Center for European Policy Studies on February 27.
A report with a foreword by Peter Feith detailing the work of the International Civilian Office – “State Building and Exit” – has recently been published.
